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Medelin, Colombia, 1989.
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A man stands on the rooftop of his
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luxury prison, watching the city lights
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below. He built this prison himself,
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hired his own guards, and comes and goes
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as he pleases. The government calls it
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justice. He calls it another business
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expense. But within 2 years, Pablo
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Escobar will be running through these
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same streets, barefoot and desperate,
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hunted like an animal. How does someone
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go from sleeping on dirt floors to
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making $420 million per week? How does a
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small-time bicycle thief build a
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criminal empire worth $30 billion,
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making him richer than entire countries?
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At his peak, Pablo Escobar controlled
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80% of the world's cocaine trade, owned
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800 luxury properties, and had so much
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monthly just on rubber bands to wrap the
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bills. But here's the contradiction that
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defined him. The man who bombed
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airplanes and assassinated presidential
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candidates also built 500 houses for the
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poor. The drug lord who ordered the
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deaths of thousands, also constructed
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hospitals and soccer fields. He was
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Robin Hood to some, the devil incarnate
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to others. And by 1993, he would be dead
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on a rooftop, his empire in ruins, his
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family in exile. So get ready to dive
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into the rise and fall of Pablo Escobar,
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the man who turned white powder into an
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empire and proved that all the money in
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the world can't buy you a peaceful
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death. Act one, from nothing to
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The truth is we don't know much about
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Pablo Escobar's early life because he
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rewrote his own history as he gained
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power. Born December 1st, 1949 in
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Rioenegro, Colombia, Pablo Alio Escobar
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Givera grew up in a country where
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violence was currency and poverty was
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law. His father Abel was a farmer who
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barely scraped by. His mother, Hermilda,
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was a school teacher who dreamed of more
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for her seven children. The family moved
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to Envigardo, a suburb of Medelene when
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Pablo was young. Here, in the shadow of
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Colombia's second largest city, he
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learned his first lessons about power.
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The rich lived in pen houses. The poor
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lived in shacks. There was no middle
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ground, but there was opportunity for
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those willing to take it. By age 10,
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Escobar was selling cigarettes and
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lottery tickets on the streets. By 15,
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he was stealing tombstones, sand
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blasting off the names and reselling
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them. His criminal philosophy formed
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early. Why work for pennies when you
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could steal for dollars? Yet something
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set him apart from other street thugs.
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Escobar understood people. He knew when
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to charm, when to threaten, when to
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disappear. His real education came from
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his cousin, Gustavo Gavilia. Together,
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they graduated from petty theft to
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stealing cars, then to kidnapping. In
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1971, they kidnapped Diego Echavaria, a
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Medeline executive, and collected a
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$50,000 ransom. But Escobar learned a
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crucial lesson when Etchavaria was
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killed despite the payment. Dead men
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tell no tales, but they also create
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The turning point came in 1975
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when Escobar was arrested for stealing
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cars. He tried to bribe the judges, a
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common practice in Colombia. When that
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failed, he had the arresting officers
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killed. The charges were dropped. This
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became his template. Silver or lead.
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Take the bribe or take the bullet. But
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there was a problem. Car theft and
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kidnapping was small time. Escobar
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wanted an empire. He found it in a white
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powder that Americans couldn't get
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enough of. Cocaine. In the mid 1970s,
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cocaine was just beginning its
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transformation from a rich person's drug
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to a middle class epidemic. Colombian
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smugglers were already moving product,
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but in small amounts, hidden in luggage
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or swallowed in condoms. Esscobar saw
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inefficiency. He envisioned an
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industrial operation. Act two, the
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cocaine revolution. In 1976,
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Escobar made his first cocaine run to
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Ecuador. Returning with a paste that
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would be refined into powder. He
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personally flew the drugs to the United
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States, earning $100,000 profit. Most
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men would have been satisfied.
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Escobar saw it as seed money for
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something bigger. But he wasn't the only
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one with ambition. The OOA brothers,
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Fabio, Juan Davided, and Hy Luis were
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already established traffickers. Carlos
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Leer controlled roots through the
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Bahamas. Joseé Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha
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ran operations in Mexico. Instead of
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fighting them, Escobar proposed
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something revolutionary. A cartel. It
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would cooperate, not compete. Share
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routes, split territories, fixed prices.
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It was OPEC for cocaine. The Medelin
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cartel was born. But Escobar quickly
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emerged as first among equals through a
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combination of vision and violence.
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While others smuggled kilos, he thought
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in tons. He bought fleets of planes,
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including uh Leojet specifically for
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cash transport. He purchased Norman's
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Kai, a Bohemian island, as a refueling
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stop. He even bought two submarines from
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the Colombian Navy. By 1982, Escobar was
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moving 70 80 tons of cocaine monthly
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into the United States. At $60,000 per
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kilo wholesale, that meant 4.2 2 billion
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in revenue per month. After expenses and
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payments to partners, Escobar personally
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cleared about $420 million weekly.
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That's $22 billion annually in 1980s.
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The money created its own problems.
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Escobar couldn't deposit it in banks
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without raising suspicions. So, he
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buried it literally in fields, in walls,
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in underground vaults. Investigators
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later found that 10% of his cash was
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lost to rats and water damage. About
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$2.1 billion simply rotted away. He
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monthly on rubber bands to bundle bills.
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When his daughter was cold, he burned $2
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million in cash to keep her warm. Yet
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Escobar understood that money without
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power was vulnerability. So he entered
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politics. In 1982, he was elected as an
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alternate member of Colombia's Congress.
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He campaigned as a man of the people,
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building soccer fields and housing
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projects in poor neighborhoods. He
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handed out cash at rallies, paid for
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medical procedures, sponsored youth
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soccer teams. In the slums of Medelene,
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he was Don Pablo, the patron who
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remembered where he came from. But
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legitimate power brought scrutiny.
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Justice Minister Rodrigo Larabanila
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began investigating Escobar's wealth.
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Newspapers published photos of him with
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drug dealers. The US Embassy pressured
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Colombia to act. Escobar offered Lara $1
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million to back off. When the minister
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refused, Escobar had him assassinated on
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The killer rode a motorcycle alongside
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Lara's car and fired through the window.
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This murder changed everything.
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President Bellisario Betangur declared
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war on the cartels. For the first time,
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Colombia agreed to extradite drug
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traffickers to the United States.
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Escobar's greatest fear, dying in an
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American prison, suddenly seemed
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possible. Therefore, he declared war
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right back. The violence was
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Escobar formed a group called Los
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The extraditables with the motto, "We
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prefer a grave in Colombia to a prison
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in the United States." He offered
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bounties. $1,000 for each police officer
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killed, $5,000 for judges, $10,000 for
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Medelin became a war zone. In 1988
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alone, 3,000 people were murdered in the
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city. But Escobar's most shocking attack
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came on November 27th, 1989.
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exploded in midair, killing all 107
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people aboard. Escobar had ordered the
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bombing to kill presidential candidate
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Cesar Gveria Trujillo. Gveria wasn't
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even on the plane. The callousness
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shocked even hardened criminals. Killing
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enemies was business. Killing innocents
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was bad for business. Nevertheless,
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Escobar's strategy worked partially. The
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Colombian government, exhausted by
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violence, offered a deal, surrender, and
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receive reduced sentences with no
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Escobar negotiated further. He would
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build his own prison, staff it with his
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own guards, and continue running his
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empire from inside. The government,
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desperate for peace, agreed. On June
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Pablo Escobar surrendered and entered
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Lacatadral, the cathedral, his
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customuilt prison overlooking Medeline.
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It had a soccer field, a bar, a jacuzzi,
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and telephone lines to continue his
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business. Guards were on his payroll.
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Politicians visited for parties. He even
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had enemies brought to the prison to be
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tortured and killed. But Escobar had
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miscalculated. His brazen behavior
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embarrassed the government. When they
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tried to move him to a real prison in
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July 1992, he escaped, walking out
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through a back door he'd installed for
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exactly this purpose. Now he was a
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fugitive in his own city, hunted by a
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new coalition that included the
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Colombian police, the DEA, and his
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former cartel rivals. Act three, the
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hunter becomes the hunted.
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Escobar's escape marked the beginning of
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the end. The government formed a special
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unit called the search block, dedicated
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solely to finding him. The United States
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sent Delta Force advisers and
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sophisticated tracking equipment. But
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the deadliest threat came from Los
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Pepes, Persigos poor Pablo Escobar.
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people persecuted by Pablo Escobar, a
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vigilante group funded by the Ki cartel
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and composed of his former associates.
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The hunter had become the hunter. Los
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Pepees used Escobar's own tactics
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against him. They killed his lawyers,
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his accountants, his cousins. They
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burned his properties, including his
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prized collection of antique cars. They
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even killed his animals at
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Hassiendapoles, his seven 400 acre
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estate, complete with a private zoo. The
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message was clear. Surrender or watch
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everything you love die. Escobar
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responded with desperate violence. He
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set off car bombs in Bogotaar, killing
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hundreds. He offered $1,000 bounties for
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police officers, causing officers to
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travel in groups and wear masks. But his
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network was crumbling. Associates
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defected or died. His fortune, once
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seemingly infinite, dwindled as he paid
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for protection and revenge. By late
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1993, Escobar was reduced to moving
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between safe houses in Medeline,
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communicating through notes passed by
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teenage messengers. The man who once
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owned 800 properties now slept in
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different beds each night. His family,
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wife Maria Victoria and children Juan
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Pablo and Manuela were refused asylum by
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country after country. Trapped in
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Colombia as human bait. The end came
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through technology and betrayal.
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American surveillance planes tracked his
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radio calls to his family. Informants
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motivated by the $6 million reward
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provided tips about his movements. On
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Colombian electronic surveillance
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specialists traced a call between
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Escobar and his son to a middleclass
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neighborhood in Medilene. The search
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block moved in. Escobar was in a
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twostory house with just one bodyguard.
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As police surrounded the building, he
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tried to escape across the rooftops
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barefoot, wearing jeans and a blue
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jacket. He'd gone from custom Italian
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suits to running like the street
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criminal he'd once been. The official
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report states that Escobar died in a
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shootout, hit by three bullets, one in
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the leg, one in the back, and one behind
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the ear, but questions remain. The
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precision of the earshot suggested
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execution. Some witnesses claimed he
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shot himself rather than be captured.
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Others insisted Los Pepe's members were
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present. seeking personal revenge.
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What's certain is that at 3:15 p.m. on
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December 2nd, 1993, Pablo Emilio Escobar
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Guira was dead. The man who'd built a
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$30 billion empire, who' declared war on
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a nation, who'd been simultaneously
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loved and hated by millions, lay dead on
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a rooftop in the city he'd once ruled.
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His death brought celebration and
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mourning. In wealthy neighborhoods,
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people cheered. In the slums, they wept
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for Don Pablo. At his funeral, 25,000
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people came to pay respects. His grave
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became a shrine decorated with flowers
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and photos by those who remembered his
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generosity, not his violence. But
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Escobar's legacy extended far beyond his
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death. The cocaine trade continued. The
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Cali cartel immediately filled the void.
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The corruption he'd fostered infected
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Colombian institutions for decades. The
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culture of violence he'd normalized made
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Colombia synonymous with drug warfare.
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Yet he also exposed the hypocrisy of the
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drug war. Demand in rich countries
15:47
fueled supply in poor ones. His family
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paid the highest price. They lived in
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exile under assumed names, forever
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marked by his crimes. His son, who
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changed his name to Sebastian Maraken,
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became an architect and peace advocate,
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apologizing to his father's victims. His
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wife lived quietly, avoiding publicity.
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The billions Escobar accumulated
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vanished, seized by governments, stolen
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by associates, or still buried in fields
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known only to dead men. Today, Escobar
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remains a contradiction. Netflix series
16:28
portray him as an anti-hero.
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Tourists take selfies at his grave.
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T-shirts bear his image. He's been
16:37
transformed from terrorist to pop
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culture icon. His violence sanitized by
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time and distance. But for those who
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lived through his reign, who lost family
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to his bombs and bullets, he remains
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what he always was. Proof that evil can
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wear a charitable face. The numbers tell
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one story. $30 billion earned, 80% of
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the cocaine trade controlled, thousands
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killed. But they don't capture the full
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truth that Pablo Escobar was both
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product and producer of a system that
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turns prohibition into profit, poverty
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into violence, and ambition into
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atrocity. He didn't invent the drug
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trade, but he perfected it,
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industrialized it, and ultimately died
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for it. So, what do you think? Was Pablo
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Escobar a genius who saw opportunity
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where others saw crime? Or simply a mass
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murderer who happened to be good at
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business? Could someone build his kind
17:41
of empire today? Or have technology and
17:44
international cooperation made another
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Drop your theory in the comments. I read
17:51
every single one. And if you want more
17:54
stories about how ambition and violence
17:57
intersect to create criminal empires,
18:00
hit subscribe and ring that notification
18:03
bell. Because understanding monsters
18:06
requires looking at the systems that